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The supply of Santafé

was so important to the colonial administration the correct supply of urban centers that function was subjected in almost all lines of the monopoly regime.
was a point of concern both economically and politically. In pre-capitalist regimes food shortage has been the main source of popular uprisings.
Santafé's geographical position was privileged in terms of food supplies, given the savanna soil fertility and on the other hand, its proximity to other floors heat. All this enabled him to have an exceptional variety of fruits throughout the year. In addition, Santa Fe would assert as a metropolitan center and advantageously forced to supply at the expense of neighboring regions. Tunja
producers and Upper Magdalena had an obligation to provide certain shares Santafé wheat and meat prices with city authorities.
Both supply critical products were the basic ingredients of the English diet, wheat and meat . On these two items exercised a strict control and constant prices during the colonial period and applied measures strong and exaggerated as the price control.
Throughout its history, Santafé, protected by their political supremacy, forced a price stability in the long term, to the point of keeping them virtually unchanged for two centuries and a half.
The explanation for this phenomenon lies in the very special efforts of colonial officials to defend their standard of living. The bureaucracy was low and stable wages. In defense of this precarious income is the key to the rigid control of prices of meat, as we saw earlier, had resounding consequences, chief among them inhibit the development of farming in the savanna and, collaterally, prohijar shortages of Santa Fe.
Tucked in such a rigid waist, the landowners of the Sabana were given the task of illegally exporting their products to as far away as Antioch, Mompox and Cartagena and other places closer as Honda and Mariquita. All these areas where there was good demand for savanna. Logically, the capital authorities responded with even more drastic measures.
also exercised very strict control on the development and marketing of bread, an article which gave rise to one of the most intense commercial movements of Santa Fe. Only the production and sale of chicha vied with bread. By 1602 the city were registered in 49 bakeries or "bake" as they called them then.
late eighteenth century the bakers, to the inflexibility of the controls, they chose to lower the weight of bread. The City Council passed an ordinance struck under which the bakers were forced to sell their product marked with a stamp to identify the respective bake for purposes of control and possible sanctions. But eventually the council was forced to be a bit more flexible to accept the weight of bread will vary depending on the value of the flour. In this way, then established three categories of bread, first, second and third, and publicly set prices for each category.
Another important product such as bread was the animal fat that manufactured the primitive candles, when burned, gave off an unwelcome odor but were essential for being the only domestic lighting which had the capital.
In his capacity staple, tallow candles, in the process of marketing and sales, were under the tight regime as part of the privilege that had the "provider".
In 1712 the factory stands Lazaro Hernandez, according to a notebook supplies, processed in the year 770 pounds of fat delivered by the provider, With the shortage of livestock, the candles were in a similar fate. However, these crises had partial relief in clandestine butchers slaughtered cattle behind the law and selling contraband leather and tallow.
The wood was also a staple in Santa Fe, primarily for cooking and baking food. Part of the tax charged by trustees are paid in firewood. In the seventeenth century set a compelling service indigenous communities to provide the city a certain quota in loads of wood, a service that was called "mita wood." Later abolished the half and appeared numerous "Woodlanders" independent whose job was to provide firewood and charcoal to Santa Fe.
addition to vaccination, sheep meat was highly sought after in the city . The rams came to represent half of the animals slaughtered in the carnage santafereños. In contrast to the frequent problems encountered by the supply of cattle, all the time Savannah was able to provide generously to the capital of ovine meat and fat of the same source for the manufacture of candles. Of a sheep were removed between 14 and 17 levers of candles, which were worth between 319 and 380 pesos. Pork
ranked third, although its use was considerable. Mutton and pork products should be substitutes for beef. Although there is no serial data on the consumption of pork, judging from the number found, the consumer should be noticeable.
To register for Santafé 1772 a total of 4,016 pigs. The sacrifice of pigs left an important byproduct, bacon. Replace lard in the English diet olive oil as a medium for frying. In addition, the English taste for pork fat, which went to America, has cultural and religious reasons. On the Peninsula served as a key element to identify the old and genuine Christians, since the consumption of pork fat is from biblical times severely proscribed by the law of Moses. The Jews were in those days especially zealous in the enforcement of this rule, due to which the rejection of the bacon served many times to find a good many false converts. The ancient Christian roots, in contrast, not only ate bacon without measure, but who liked to make public ostentanción of fatty diet distinctive way of his unequivocal status as Old Christians.
Since prehispanic times, the Muisca derived from their food from the varied but not very rich fish fauna of rivers savanna. The Indians retained through generations a remarkable skill in fishing river network both as bait. From the Conquest, the consumption of these fish has increased very significantly, not only for its exquisite quality, but because of the prolonged closures imposed by the meat during Lent.
For nostalgia of those who deplore the transformation of our river in a cesspool inert Bogotá, stinking and lifeless, it is timely reading the following passage from Villamor reporter in 1722:
"This mighty river provides for gift fingers abundant fish species : a small figure called 'sardines guapuchas' and other major yellow, black and blue, scales called 'captain' where it has found a curious mystery, because it divided the head spines, each shows a picture of the instruments of the Passion of Our Redeemer. "
captain became one of the finest delicacies in the dining halls of the well. There are references reporting that was dried and smoked to preserve and / or trade. The captain continued to be found in the rivers of the Savannah until the late colonial period. However, the last time was on the point of total extinction.

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The other death of Orlando Sierra

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OPINET COLUMN
A Orlando Sierra was killed again. The first occasion was on January 30, 2002, in Manizales, off the premises of the newspaper La Patria, of which he was assistant manager.
was a committed journalist and a columnist bold. From his pen flowed uncomfortable truths against the political leadership of the department of Caldas, of which not escaped any of the chiefs who control this prosperous region: Omar Yepes Alzate and his brother, Arturo, Victor Renan Barco and his ally, Ferney Tapasco; who is named as mastermind of the crime of Sierra.
Everyone knew that they would kill him. What nobody knew was when and who would decide first as, although today the mastermind is an open secret, the shots could have come from many sides.
Sierra had become the most visible enemy of the corrupt in their region as part of a country that has been waging a successful fight against subversion, which is defeating the paramilitaries, who mercilessly beat drug gangs, but where political corruption is reinvented every day, survive and multiply.
In the afternoon of Wednesday, Orlando came into his office with his daughter. The gunman had two hours waiting as recorded on a security video. Then I'd say the wrong victim and the judge believed him. The video is clearly seen when approaching Sierra and gives him two shots. Then takes the confusion of people and flees without worries, but no luck. Police arrested him nearby.
On Tuesday October 2, 2007, the assassin Luis Fernando Soto Zapata, perpetrator of the murder, was released after only five years in prison.
The hitman had been originally sentenced to 29 years in prison (350 months), but the sentence was reduced to 19 years ½ (234 months) for 'confession' inconceivable benefit if you consider that the video allowed full identification. To make matters worse, the criminal will be hosted for the benefit of 'plea bargain', so it received more discounts off: he dropped the third part of the original sentence, or nine years and nine months (117 months). However, in March 2005, a judge overturned the discount Manizales third and increased the reduction by half of the sentence, according to the principle of 'pro', under the new accusatory penal system. The sentence was for 14 years and seven months (175 months).
But there Moreover, according to the old Criminal Code, the criminal has the right to bail to meet the three-fifths of the sentence, 105 months in this case, but Soto was only 67 because of the concept of 'Justice and Peace' (the law dealt to dismantle the paramilitaries, which provides rebates to all prisoners in the country for the sake of the right to 'equality' promulgated by the Constitution), a judge granted Tunja 17 months and 15 days of redemption, and on the concept of 'study work ', he was given another 21 months without study or work.
In total, the murderer of journalist Orlando Sierra, was in jail since January 30, 2002 until 30 September 2007, and if His Holiness the Pope had visited, we stayed a couple of years owing to this criminal.
These are the mathematics of the Colombian justice system. The murderer of Andres Escobar spent eleven years in prison but was sentenced to 43, the political leader Alberto Santofimio Botero, sentenced to 24 years for the assassination of Luis Carlos Galan, will not be in prison more than ten, and Luis Alfredo Garavito, the monster who raped and murdered at least 150 children, will open in two or three years, when he turns twelve sentence, or less than one month for each crime. These same bandits
Orlando Sierra denounced in his columns, meet every so often in Congress legislating these outrages. It seems that criminal law was inspired for their own benefit, to secure the release soon in case some day justice will punish them. Life in Colombia
worthless. If no arrest for the murder of Orlando Sierra, go and come, would not be forced to accept such resignation impunity, but what we are witnessing is a shameful judicial piñata by which criminals gain the street in a blink . The good citizen is relieved to hear the sentence and then find the offender on the street, thanks to the fair discounts and bargains perverted legislation. Thus, impunity is widespread, criminals back to their adventures and unprotected citizens must do justice, or at least fend for itself.

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in the city's economy

For a long time the main entry of commodities into the city was made by the market open field the Plaza Mayor. The market square was the most important place of supply and increased market days, adapted to the application, the system localized and specialized. They came
growers put their products directly for sale. The presence and importance of intermediaries are not defined, but they increased their number and their share of trade in accordance with population size. We can say that, given the small size reached by demand Santa Fe, the marketplace system, even in its most developed, had no replacement in the colonial period.
Initially, the main market was located in the so-called Plaza of Herbs, Santander Park today. From 1550 was held in the Plaza Mayor without the prior disappear.
Market day in Santa Fe could be reconstructed keenly watching carefully the village markets. Those were days of great excitement and movement in which triples the population of the city .
The first act was the Mass, and then start the frenzy of transactions purchases and businesses of all kinds. Obviously, the market day was the best for the chicha, whose sales are multiplied to the implausible.
By late afternoon there were frequent visitors and often fights organized horse racing betting on major streets. Huge numbers of horses and mules were impassable streets with debris.
A document complains of the dangers that could run with so many beasts in the street. hit in the face with his tail to passersby, who ran with "the risk of a kick or collisions with other impolitic uncomfortable (organic detritus)." There
remains of tubers and garbage everywhere. Street vendors lined the streets with their voices announcing bread, mats, candles and coal. The animation was also used by beggars who, dressed as penitents, uncomfortable with their requests. The acrobats acrobat and people crowded into the corners. The countless clients of street brawls starred chicherías and committed all sorts of major and minor attacks against security and safety of citizens.
In the early hours of the morning arrived the growers, because they were forbidden to arrive at night to prevent them from being intercepted by the hucksters (called "middlemen") that used stand in their meeting at night and on the outskirts of the city to buy their products at low prices and then resell them in the city . The harvesters
went directly to the square and there is installed as "pictures", that is, leaving open lanes for them to circulate the buyers. In the first regulations that were established contemplated the problem for the city representing the beasts loose in the streets and squares and tried to fix spaces for storing there.
Outside the marketplace, there were three types of retail outlets serving basic distribution network in the city: the general stores that sold food, merchandise stores, which dispensing a variety of genres, and finally, the chicha, which distributed the evil spirits and they were the places where people came to have fun.
The grocery stores, and vending of food, was a addition to the market places as served as warehouses for small growers. The strategic location that the store owners were somehow allowed to handle the food market and exerted an important role in the daily supply of victuals home. Almost every retail purchase is made on credit. Regulatory authorities in some cases the sale on credit for his often led to a lot of demands by sum of weights. These rudimentary forms of credit were handled in books, of which there are still some intriguing examples show that these small loans were granted primarily based on the good name and reputation of the customers. Let one of 1626:
"Dona Ignacia Paya Misia be 11 reais per count of 4 yards of yellow cloth that led to his goddaughter. More on this day two and a half yards of yellow touches took himself. A half ounce of silk was Jacinta, a brunette (..). Mr. Dr. Obando is on 22 of September 2 and 112 yards of black silk weight and environment. More the two yards that day and 114 blue taffeta plus ten yards ... plus a pair of wool socks ... In other supply products of first need the distribution became a monopoly activity. Such was the case of meat and candles, which were handled by the system known as "tight." The meat was sold in one of three butchers, which was shattered. The retail sale is made directly to the slaughterhouse and was a privilege to forced the slaughter. Another
product almost as important were the candles, whose distribution was similar but went through another process before going to final consumption. The tallow produced in the meat was sold rough to factories or corporations who were responsible for drawing up the candles with this raw material. In the wholesale accounts are convents and monasteries, which had organized their own process of making candles. This grease is sold in raw or arrobas levers. In the carnage of 1712 accounts include 33 factories candles. The finished product was again delivered to the supplier who had the privilege of selling in a tight candles, which occupied a leading place in the Plaza Mayor . It know of such an establishment because there is a document of 1744 which authorizes the provision of candles as part of their privileges to officials of the Royal Court . In another lawsuit
(1746) is held the lease of the premises between Francisco Quevedo, provider, who ran the store, and Francisco de Tordesillas, owner of the premises. The finished candles were sold or counted in units called levers. We think it may indicate a long stick with candles hanging from its own wick, and still in use in certain regions.
During the eighteenth century, especially in the second half, the mechanism of distribution of products within the city became more complex and unwieldy. As in other areas, urban growth in the late colonial administrators would take unsuspecting city of . The authorities complained permanently speculation. It is possible that large market fluctuations, in which the extreme scarcity and abundance due to climate problems added to the rigid control of prices, have created the environment for an attempt at price manipulation.
A reading of these documents can rebuild the main threads of the inner city market for the last third of the eighteenth century. There were four lines of supply for the average consumer in Santa Fe:

1) Retail. Plaza Mayor and San Francisco. Main Market Day: Fridays and Thursdays. The relationship between producer and consumer was direct.
2) The store owners and shopkeepers who, according to his ability, bought directly from producers, organized and acted as intermediaries sold at retail. Your purchase volume was not high and supplied to the customers on days when there was no market.
3) A set of small-scale traders, who held positions in the square and had their own clientele.
4) The major retailers and key players in the wholesale market. They were the "resellers haves" and "upper-class monopoly." as I mentioned in the documents. They were identified as the "most harmful and detrimental to the public "and that caused most common losses to individuals. Focused on the genres that today would be called non-perishable, ie, capable of storing for some time without damage. As explicitly mentioned, it was the cocoa, sugar, rice and flour.
According to the document, the big dealers had developed a particular network, "were deposited in 10 or 12 individuals" who stalked the arrival of the producers had the financial capacity to buy in bulk at lower prices.
In 1787 the procurator in a memorandum denouncing the alarming proliferation of resellers and the consequent shortage of essential items and set out considerations and proposals for improving the power to negotiate with middlemen.
At this time it is clear the proliferation of resellers and their mechanisms, in the eyes of the administration, were the main causes of rising prices. The various indications suggest that retailers went out to find producers to buy in advance and thus manipulate prices and influence the supply volume offered in the marketplace. In this way they could run the food purchased from other places and create temporary shortages in the city. The responsible for such action were called "middlemen". Preventing
this fact that had become commonplace, the authorities banned the producers from entering the city at night and to buy outside it. For this purpose trade banned in three leagues around the Santa Fe, buying on the roads and that the goods were taken to other towns within the range indicated.
"They (retailers) are usually vague that people have no office is maintained in this way, as so many do not expect to buy more in the capital but leave the highways and even to neighboring villages. " Faced with the situation
proposed these solutions:

1) that resellers can not buy the rightful owners before three in the afternoon of Friday that is already considered supplied to the public ... ". Before this date, the deadline was noon. The measure was intended to allow first be supplied directly by consumers and not take out the portion of food purchased by resellers. The housewives knew and maintained throughout the colony the wise habit to rise early to buy on market day.
2) Do not be sold on Thursday and Friday (days market).
3) that specifically prohibits them out to the highways to intercept the food ..
4) No constable may be dealer ...
5) What are the price point they can sell days allowed.
6) That they are obliged to take the place clean.
7) That the owners to bring the sugar is not sold in bulk to store owners until three days. "

The council did not hesitate to accept all of these recommendations and immediately appointed an alderman for, with the collaboration of the mayors of neighborhood, was enforced and run.
Showing a certain logic, the council realized that, given the size of Santa Fe, if you wanted to regulate the marketing of basic necessities were not sufficient only measures of the police. Therefore began to consider the need to rent a space to establish there a deposit run by municipal authorities and to expend the food to the public. It was what we would call a central supplies mainly oriented to the agricultural market regulation. This idea, of course, was not new. Old and had numerous precedents in other cities not only colonial but even in contemporary Spain and even medieval.
were created in Spain mechanisms such as the "House Flour, a grain warehouse that held the supply and regulated prices. Since 1489 in Madrid was an institution of this nature is designed to protect the prices of bread and mediate fairly buying flour.
From the Middle Ages existed in Spain "corn exchanges" (word of Arabic origin), warehouses and stores of wheat and other grains, besides exercising a regulatory function on prices, weights and measures controlled. The agricultural commercial or "deposits" were transplanted from the early colonial period to the viceroyalty of New Spain (Mexico), where he worked in several cities doing the same mission and also by wheat and maize stocks for periods of scarcity.
Unfortunately, this useful and valuable initiative was ultimately not implemented in Santa Fe.

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Welcoming Address Sample

The small and medium land and production

Various circumstances that operated from the early seventeenth century began to be visible the presence of the median non-Indian property. Among others, can noted the following:

- poor whites
Immigration Division - in part, remnants of ranches
- Mercedes middle ground extension
- Replacement of agricultural production of the Indians.

Planters small balloons of land used as a funding source and payment of services. (I mentioned the custom of giving a piece of land by way of dowry). Others used as payment or gift parcels faithful subordinates or employees.
early seventeenth century (1606), due to a shortage of meat, ordered a small ratio stays for the purpose of requisition. The result was a sort of census of small properties in the Savannah . In total there were 86 farmers.

PLACE	NUMBER
Suba Sopó Guasca Guatavita Chocontá Simijaca, Fúquene Nemocón Cajicá, Tabio, Cota and Chia Tunjuelo, Bosa and Fontibon	2 6 16 2 2 6 10 10 38

lower levels of tenure, as perceived and classified in the colonial era could be defined well:

ranchers: media owners
Farmers and growers: smallholders.

This segment of owners began to increase during the seventeenth century and diversifying the ownership of land. Will be saturated with the physical space in the Savannah and managers expansion of the border, during the boom in business, and later in the period of stagnation (1660 1770).
Poor whites and mestizos farmers would start gathering around the Indian villages and reservations. Successive visits show this phenomenon also trials conflicts around the earth.
The gradual collapse of the indigenous organization would lead to a greater number of indigenous detribalize, flee to the tax obligations and start their crosses. The blending progressive, which began to rise since the second half of the seventeenth century, carried the adoption of a peasant status, ie, small individual farming.
Another contingent, composed of landless Indians and their family ties, establish relations with the estates lease.
Since the first decades of the seventeenth century, may be cases in which landowners provided land to the Indians within their domains, with the permission of sowing corn, as a form of retention. This offer as a strategy for the estate contains the germ of the lease relationship.
end of the eighteenth century the proportion of Indians, mestizos, as the visits had already been invested. La Sabana started to have a certain demographic saturation was possibly supported by very large plots.
A document from 1780 notes the surplus population and suggests a colonization of the slopes and neighboring provinces.
The increased presence of small production did not mean, however, a substantial change in the land or the structure of the population . It clear that the relationship between land and population was extremely unfair. Between 80% and 90% of the population of Savannah had access to only a proportion of land that could be estimated between 10% and 20% of the total.
Moreover, between 60% and 70% of the land belonging to 2% of the owners.
As you can see, not much has changed to date tenure and land distribution.

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Haciendas El Novillero

In the early days of savanna farms was noticed a rapid increase in wheat and livestock major and minor.
For the first time a part of the supply of food and food products should fall in labor Indian, both for his work on plantations and in the independent and in their own fields.
During the sixteenth century Santafé supply responsibility was held by the trustees landowners. The agricultural production of indigenous vegetable species was delivered in tribute, which was fully managed by the trustees landowners.
The small and medium production mestizo or white, to replace indigenous agricultural production began to be significant during the second third of the seventeenth century.
Indians, besides the penalty on work, decreased its agricultural potential by physical lack of time to devote to their plots. Procurement system, based on a vertical network of trade, fell to the English, with each community themselves isolated and without surplus for trading.
The last part of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was a time of flourishing of estate production, greater regional presence. La Sabana in general had markets in other provinces and enjoyed a small mining boom represented by the veins of Mariquita.
The estates, in the provision of virtually free labor, had a rapid expansion.
The Savannah wheat was exported as grain, flour and even bonded (called biscuits) to Tunja, Magdalena ports (Honda and Mompox) and shipped to the Caribbean (Cartagena).
main activity and most of the farm remained sabanera rested on the sheep. It was to be a significant herd of sheep using it in wool mills.
The most conspicuous, not to be representative is that of Caicedo Beltran, encomendero Suesca, who had two farms (also in the same jurisdiction) with approximately 20,000 ewes (first third of the seventeenth century). The estates
Suesca ("The Sheep" and "Suesca) bred and raised sheep. Once the wool, sent to another farm, also of his property, located on Fred, which operated a mill supported by slave labor (80 adults).
Some estates during this period reached a significant level of complexity and handled a certain amount of resources. Managed to integrate different types of work (concert, encomienda and slavery) and made an attempt vertical integration, ie, carried out various stages of production in different units (if Caicedo Beltran). 3301940916609711