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We saw many difficulties encountered with the supply of beef to the capital during the colonial period. It was, as we know, an activity controlled by the system of rent of the obligation supply to a person.
By carrying out this function was called on a mandatory butcher "and then simply" provider. " Its core mission was to provide the capital of mutton and beef, and tallow for the manufacture of candles. His term was 10 months, during which it should buy from various suppliers enough cattle to meet the needs of the city .
was a very complex activity and also required a large capital to develop it. The "bound" needed to get the cattle, priming (usually in "El Novillero" par excellence was called the meadow of Bogotá), manage and oversee the operation of the butchers and monitor the sale of meat and tallow .
One of the higher costs that lay ahead was the lease "El Novillero". When it is considered that the use of Santa Fe was about 4,000 cattle a year, the rent ranged between 5,000 and 8,000 annual patacones. The caterer brought cattle, fattened on "El Novillero" and, once accomplished this stage, led him to Santa Fe to the slaughter.
the late eighteenth century were slaughtered between 65 and 100 livestock per week. By grouping the detailed figures for 25 weeks for 1751, we have an idea of \u200b\u200bthe business components of the slaughter of livestock. For each steer the provider obtained a total of 9.8 pesos as produced gross sales. (This figure, of course, does not include costs). In 25 weeks, ie, for half a year, the butcher threw a movement of 24,189 pesos, which is a pretty significant figure. Could easily be one of the busiest business in the economic orbit of Santa Fe.
addition to meat, the slaughter of cattle byproducts produced some less important. Chief among them was the fat, highly valued for being the raw material for domestic lighting in Santa Fe. Other minor products, as the "cut" used in the Colony, was the language, the "often" or "tripe", leather and, to a lesser extent, the bladders. Leather was an important input in the manufacture of various household items: jars (to store liquids), furniture, cabinets and boxes, seats, saddles etc. For each steer was obtained in the flesh, free of fat, 6.7% of the money he obtained the product supplier for the sale of livestock. Next in importance after the fat, which constituted 31.8% of the total. Leather represented only 3.8% of total value. The office needed a great economic strength and almost took a lot of social splendor. The most respectable members of society took it santafereño Creole century XVII.
For example, Alonso de Caicedo, owner of "El Novillero" and encomendero Bogota, was provider in 1694, Jose Ricaurte, treasurer of the Royal House Money and assistant mayor of Santa Fe, it was during the decades of 20 and 30 of the eighteenth century.
Data on livestock slaughter in Santa Fe show no explicit trend. The information obtained can be charged defects, however, show a stagnant supply of meat, for even grows in line with population . Show addition to the evidence encontradas en los documentos, un sub abastecimiento en materia de carne para la Santafé del siglo XVIII.
Con dificultades para obtener carne, el cargo de abastecedor se fue haciendo menos codiciado hasta que llegó el momento en que empezó a sufrir largas vacancias porque nadie quería rematarlo.
El inflexible control de precios y los crecientes riesgos contribuyeron en primer término a que se produjera esta situación. Como consecuencia de ella, el Cabildo se vio precisado a ofrecer estímulos adicionales, como un atractivo apoyo financiero con dineros de la “Caja de Bienes de Difuntos”. Inclusive en 1721 el Cabildo asked the Jesuits to take charge of supply, but the shrewd Jesuits declined the "honor" that gave them, arguing that their status as servants of God was incompatible with the exercise of an occupation profitable. For most of the seventeenth century was the Alto Magdalena, the major supplier of beef and Santa Fe. Neiva, Timana and La Plata were areas of good pasture and favorable ecological conditions where cattle was in abundance. These livestock did not receive almost no care for what the production costs were particularly low. The main problem was the difficulty of mobilization. The journey of the flocks of Neiva to Santa Fe took an average of twenty days.
Relations between the two regions were complementary to the late seventeenth century, a period in which other areas (other than Santa Fe) with equal urgency demanded the production of Neiva. Quito region, which until then had been successfully served by the cattle from the Cauca, increased demand, due to which the Quiteños began offering higher prices for cattle in the Alto Magdalena.
Logically, farmers in Neiva and surrounding areas preferred to send their cattle to Quito, which immediately generated a conflict, because el ganado de mejor calidad tomó el rumbo del Sur mientras el menos apetecible fue enviado a Santafé. Empezaron entonces el forcejeo y las presiones políticas de la capital para obligar a Neiva a remitirle la totalidad de su producción. Finalmente se llegó a un acuerdo consistente en que Neiva y las regiones adyacentes se comprometían a enviar anualmente una cuota mínima de 4.500 novillos a Santafé.
Los ganaderos de Neiva y Timaná suscribieron el convenio pero no bajaron la guardia y de inmediato procedieron a llevar la querella ante el Rey. Esta pugna fue prolongada y tenaz. La balanza se inclinó alternativamente hacia uno y otro lado, hubo infinidad de pleitos; la Corona favoreció en principio Neiva, but at last legal counteroffensive santafereños got the crown back in 1712 to give priority in supply to Santa Fe. Lastly
won compromise system based on quotas, which replaced the old disputes with advantage. Neiva in 1733 pledged to provide 1,500 half-yearly steers the pastures of staying in Bogotá unfettered freedom to negotiate their surpluses with other regions that claim.
In a way we can say that major advantages obtained Neiva negotiation. Got reduce its share of the 4,500 annual steers were agreed in principle to only 3,000, which increased its capacity to supply other markets. He also received an increase of 17% in cattle put in the pasture. But , Santafé continued to pay lower prices than those offered Quito.
In other words they made concessions, finished laying their prerogatives of capital. During the second half of the eighteenth century broke the Jesuits vigorously as a supplier of beef and Santa Fe. Your organization supra and numerous rural properties allowed him to build a real bridge between Neiva and Santa Fe to perform the entire process, without losing money. The release of the cattle was made in Neiva, the final phase (priming) was in place and the Cerrado . But the intermediate would meet along the chain of farms owned by the Jesuits between the two ends of the road. The hacienda "Villavieja" (now the Department of Huila) and the estate "Doima" in the jurisdiction of Ibague, were the sites of release of skinny cattle. From there they passed the cattle to the farm "El Espinal", in whose pastures rested and recovered animals avoiding large weight loss. The final link in the chain was the farm "The slash and burn", to the west of the Savannah, where he rested and fattened cattle.
This system normalized and regularized the meat market. But in 1780, and expelled Jesuits, Santafé experienced an acute shortage of meat. The situation became critical to such an extent that colonial authorities finally had to give up on your old and obstinate policy of monopolies, tobacco-control to make way for a progressive liberalization of trade and the supply of meat and dairy products.
the end of the colonial period, the system had reached a crisis. With neighbors pressing an absolute freedom to the sale of meat and the exemption for payment of sales taxes and own the imminence of continuous periods of shortage, the authorities have many alternatives. Gradually the system was languishing forced monopoly supply of meat.

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Typical Cost For A Eyebrow Wax In A Salon

The supply of Santafé

was so important to the colonial administration the correct supply of urban centers that function was subjected in almost all lines of the monopoly regime.
was a point of concern both economically and politically. In pre-capitalist regimes food shortage has been the main source of popular uprisings.
Santafé's geographical position was privileged in terms of food supplies, given the savanna soil fertility and on the other hand, its proximity to other floors heat. All this enabled him to have an exceptional variety of fruits throughout the year. In addition, Santa Fe would assert as a metropolitan center and advantageously forced to supply at the expense of neighboring regions. Tunja
producers and Upper Magdalena had an obligation to provide certain shares Santafé wheat and meat prices with city authorities.
Both supply critical products were the basic ingredients of the English diet, wheat and meat . On these two items exercised a strict control and constant prices during the colonial period and applied measures strong and exaggerated as the price control.
Throughout its history, Santafé, protected by their political supremacy, forced a price stability in the long term, to the point of keeping them virtually unchanged for two centuries and a half.
The explanation for this phenomenon lies in the very special efforts of colonial officials to defend their standard of living. The bureaucracy was low and stable wages. In defense of this precarious income is the key to the rigid control of prices of meat, as we saw earlier, had resounding consequences, chief among them inhibit the development of farming in the savanna and, collaterally, prohijar shortages of Santa Fe.
Tucked in such a rigid waist, the landowners of the Sabana were given the task of illegally exporting their products to as far away as Antioch, Mompox and Cartagena and other places closer as Honda and Mariquita. All these areas where there was good demand for savanna. Logically, the capital authorities responded with even more drastic measures.
also exercised very strict control on the development and marketing of bread, an article which gave rise to one of the most intense commercial movements of Santa Fe. Only the production and sale of chicha vied with bread. By 1602 the city were registered in 49 bakeries or "bake" as they called them then.
late eighteenth century the bakers, to the inflexibility of the controls, they chose to lower the weight of bread. The City Council passed an ordinance struck under which the bakers were forced to sell their product marked with a stamp to identify the respective bake for purposes of control and possible sanctions. But eventually the council was forced to be a bit more flexible to accept the weight of bread will vary depending on the value of the flour. In this way, then established three categories of bread, first, second and third, and publicly set prices for each category.
Another important product such as bread was the animal fat that manufactured the primitive candles, when burned, gave off an unwelcome odor but were essential for being the only domestic lighting which had the capital.
In his capacity staple, tallow candles, in the process of marketing and sales, were under the tight regime as part of the privilege that had the "provider".
In 1712 the factory stands Lazaro Hernandez, according to a notebook supplies, processed in the year 770 pounds of fat delivered by the provider, With the shortage of livestock, the candles were in a similar fate. However, these crises had partial relief in clandestine butchers slaughtered cattle behind the law and selling contraband leather and tallow.
The wood was also a staple in Santa Fe, primarily for cooking and baking food. Part of the tax charged by trustees are paid in firewood. In the seventeenth century set a compelling service indigenous communities to provide the city a certain quota in loads of wood, a service that was called "mita wood." Later abolished the half and appeared numerous "Woodlanders" independent whose job was to provide firewood and charcoal to Santa Fe.
addition to vaccination, sheep meat was highly sought after in the city . The rams came to represent half of the animals slaughtered in the carnage santafereños. In contrast to the frequent problems encountered by the supply of cattle, all the time Savannah was able to provide generously to the capital of ovine meat and fat of the same source for the manufacture of candles. Of a sheep were removed between 14 and 17 levers of candles, which were worth between 319 and 380 pesos. Pork
ranked third, although its use was considerable. Mutton and pork products should be substitutes for beef. Although there is no serial data on the consumption of pork, judging from the number found, the consumer should be noticeable.
To register for Santafé 1772 a total of 4,016 pigs. The sacrifice of pigs left an important byproduct, bacon. Replace lard in the English diet olive oil as a medium for frying. In addition, the English taste for pork fat, which went to America, has cultural and religious reasons. On the Peninsula served as a key element to identify the old and genuine Christians, since the consumption of pork fat is from biblical times severely proscribed by the law of Moses. The Jews were in those days especially zealous in the enforcement of this rule, due to which the rejection of the bacon served many times to find a good many false converts. The ancient Christian roots, in contrast, not only ate bacon without measure, but who liked to make public ostentanción of fatty diet distinctive way of his unequivocal status as Old Christians.
Since prehispanic times, the Muisca derived from their food from the varied but not very rich fish fauna of rivers savanna. The Indians retained through generations a remarkable skill in fishing river network both as bait. From the Conquest, the consumption of these fish has increased very significantly, not only for its exquisite quality, but because of the prolonged closures imposed by the meat during Lent.
For nostalgia of those who deplore the transformation of our river in a cesspool inert Bogotá, stinking and lifeless, it is timely reading the following passage from Villamor reporter in 1722:
"This mighty river provides for gift fingers abundant fish species : a small figure called 'sardines guapuchas' and other major yellow, black and blue, scales called 'captain' where it has found a curious mystery, because it divided the head spines, each shows a picture of the instruments of the Passion of Our Redeemer. "
captain became one of the finest delicacies in the dining halls of the well. There are references reporting that was dried and smoked to preserve and / or trade. The captain continued to be found in the rivers of the Savannah until the late colonial period. However, the last time was on the point of total extinction.

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The other death of Orlando Sierra

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OPINET COLUMN
A Orlando Sierra was killed again. The first occasion was on January 30, 2002, in Manizales, off the premises of the newspaper La Patria, of which he was assistant manager.
was a committed journalist and a columnist bold. From his pen flowed uncomfortable truths against the political leadership of the department of Caldas, of which not escaped any of the chiefs who control this prosperous region: Omar Yepes Alzate and his brother, Arturo, Victor Renan Barco and his ally, Ferney Tapasco; who is named as mastermind of the crime of Sierra.
Everyone knew that they would kill him. What nobody knew was when and who would decide first as, although today the mastermind is an open secret, the shots could have come from many sides.
Sierra had become the most visible enemy of the corrupt in their region as part of a country that has been waging a successful fight against subversion, which is defeating the paramilitaries, who mercilessly beat drug gangs, but where political corruption is reinvented every day, survive and multiply.
In the afternoon of Wednesday, Orlando came into his office with his daughter. The gunman had two hours waiting as recorded on a security video. Then I'd say the wrong victim and the judge believed him. The video is clearly seen when approaching Sierra and gives him two shots. Then takes the confusion of people and flees without worries, but no luck. Police arrested him nearby.
On Tuesday October 2, 2007, the assassin Luis Fernando Soto Zapata, perpetrator of the murder, was released after only five years in prison.
The hitman had been originally sentenced to 29 years in prison (350 months), but the sentence was reduced to 19 years ½ (234 months) for 'confession' inconceivable benefit if you consider that the video allowed full identification. To make matters worse, the criminal will be hosted for the benefit of 'plea bargain', so it received more discounts off: he dropped the third part of the original sentence, or nine years and nine months (117 months). However, in March 2005, a judge overturned the discount Manizales third and increased the reduction by half of the sentence, according to the principle of 'pro', under the new accusatory penal system. The sentence was for 14 years and seven months (175 months).
But there Moreover, according to the old Criminal Code, the criminal has the right to bail to meet the three-fifths of the sentence, 105 months in this case, but Soto was only 67 because of the concept of 'Justice and Peace' (the law dealt to dismantle the paramilitaries, which provides rebates to all prisoners in the country for the sake of the right to 'equality' promulgated by the Constitution), a judge granted Tunja 17 months and 15 days of redemption, and on the concept of 'study work ', he was given another 21 months without study or work.
In total, the murderer of journalist Orlando Sierra, was in jail since January 30, 2002 until 30 September 2007, and if His Holiness the Pope had visited, we stayed a couple of years owing to this criminal.
These are the mathematics of the Colombian justice system. The murderer of Andres Escobar spent eleven years in prison but was sentenced to 43, the political leader Alberto Santofimio Botero, sentenced to 24 years for the assassination of Luis Carlos Galan, will not be in prison more than ten, and Luis Alfredo Garavito, the monster who raped and murdered at least 150 children, will open in two or three years, when he turns twelve sentence, or less than one month for each crime. These same bandits
Orlando Sierra denounced in his columns, meet every so often in Congress legislating these outrages. It seems that criminal law was inspired for their own benefit, to secure the release soon in case some day justice will punish them. Life in Colombia
worthless. If no arrest for the murder of Orlando Sierra, go and come, would not be forced to accept such resignation impunity, but what we are witnessing is a shameful judicial piñata by which criminals gain the street in a blink . The good citizen is relieved to hear the sentence and then find the offender on the street, thanks to the fair discounts and bargains perverted legislation. Thus, impunity is widespread, criminals back to their adventures and unprotected citizens must do justice, or at least fend for itself.

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